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Sunday, November 30, 2014

US REFUSES TO ARM THE KURDS SO AS NOT TO ANTAGONIZE ANTI-AMERICAN TURKEY AND IRAN REGIMES - The White House willing to let Kurds be massacred by ISIS - Read outline of Kurdish history

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America must arm the Kurds,
even if it antagonizes Iran and Turkey
By Dr. Robert Sklaroff and Dr. Sherkoh Abbas
Obama’s America is cow-towing to the whims of Iran and Turkey, rather than directly helping the Peshmerga in Kurdistan.  The desired boots-on-ground are directly underfoot, yet he refuses to acknowledge the urgent need to assist the Kurds; instead, he keeps “tripping” over their presence.
Obama’s apologists alternately say the situation is hyper-complex and freedom-seekers are ultimately doomed. To the contrary, the key-players reveal their motives through their actions (even if utterances are occasionally cryptic), and the pathway to a quality outcome is readily apparent, even if Obama would have to ‘fess-up regarding the existential threat of the global Islamist ideology.
Thick plumes of grey smoke rise from an ISIS position in eastern Kobane, after an airstrike by the U.S-led coalition
Sporadic US bombing has failed to stop ISIS
Because the goals of contiguous countries are averse to those beneficial to America, Kurds must urgently be empowered to champion Western Civilization’s value-system.
Iran wants to preserve the Assad government, and has avidly shored-up these state-terrorists with the loyal assistance of the Russians who covet the Tartus port.
Tehran wants to forge a Shi’ite pathway to the Mediterranean, and has enlisted support in this endeavor from a Baghdad government that has been set adrift by America’s unilateral retreat.
American policy is predicated on a double-blunder—“two sides of the same coin”— one component of which is widely-debated and the other component of which has remained shrouded.

The widely debated challenge is Obama’s decision to forbid providing major armaments to the Kurds, instead channeling everything except relief supplies and small arms through Baghdad.  It may be necessary to involve NATO formally in this endeavor, if only to break this logjam.
The hidden challenge is Obama’s decision to back the Free Syrian Army {“FSA”}, which is led by a former Brigadier General in Assad’s army who harbors loyalties that undermine his ability to serve as America’s proxy; empowering the Kurds would permit them to vet regional militias to ensure American matériel is not diverted to Islamists.
Rectifying both errors would proclaim commitment to long-delayed independence of a Kurdistan comprising a federation of lands currently within the borders of Iraq and Syria…but not Turkey or Iran (where millions also reside). Neither country should object to the elimination of domestic insurrection aimed at their territories…unless, of course, their covert aim is the annihilation of the Kurdish upstarts.
{We previously detailed the underlying loyalties of the alphabet-soup of Kurdish entities:  “America Must Recognize Kurdistan” [Jewish Policy Center]; “NATO Must Help the Kurds Now” [National Review]; and NATO must arm the Kurds, but only the pro-American Kurds [The Hill].
Kurds yearn for independence; alternatively, they fight for federation with stable, neighboring, non-threatening governments (invoking the paradigm of how Baghdad and Erbil developed a successful modus vivendi during the past decade).}
The Free Syrian Army (FSA) is led by Abdul-Ilah al-Bashir al-Noeimi, who disseminated views that are indubitably anti-Kurd and anti-Israel in the following posting. Translated from Arabic, it states:  “PYD/YPG are terrorists; we work only with honorable Kurds.  In our eyes, we have three types of Kurds:  1)—Israel and Zionist Kurds; 2)—PKK/YPG terrorists, and 3)—Kurds who are first Muslim and Second Syrian who deserve no rights, period.” Obviously, he cannot be trusted.
As Erdogan pursues his neo-Ottoman dream of a restored caliphate, he ignores pleas of Abdullah Öcalan—the founder and leader of the PKK, who languishes in a Turkish jail despite a highly-touted rapprochement—that Turkey intervene in Kobanê.
Meanwhile, Iran is busily co-opting nations, collecting client-states:  Iraq (filling the vacuum left by America’s departure), Syria (led by Bashir Assad, a fellow-Shi’ite), Lebanon (dominated by Iran’s offspring, Hezbollah, and greatly influenced by Syria), Gaza (which has become increasingly dependent upon Iranian armaments), Yemen (where its forces in Sana’a are emerging victorious), and Libya (which has just concluded a national-reconciliation pact endorsed by Algeria and supported, in-turn, by Iran).
Kurds, Yazidis, Christians and other ethnic minorities face extermination in Kobanê, on Mount Sinjar, throughout Syria and Iraq.
That American air-drops were acquired by the Islamic State is symptomatic of fragmentation that would be minimized if all were coordinated by the Kurdish National Council of Syria, which is aligned with the Kurdistan National Assembly of Syria.
Obama has no excuse for not aiding primarily the Peshmerga in multiple arenas (humanitarian, diplomacy, publicity/media, training, and military). Hanging in the balance is survival of a culture spanning three millennia…plus America’s credibility and interests.
Robert Sklaroff is a physician-activist and supporter of Kurdish self-determination.
Sherkoh Abbas is the chairman of the Kurdistan National Assembly of Syria.
The Kurds 
A historical outline by the Daily Mail
Since the fall of the Ottoman Empire the Kurdish population of northern Iraq has suffered at the hands of a series of hard-line rulers.
With no country to call their own, Iraqi Kurds have been overpowered in clashes with Turkey, Britain and Iran, and have been systematically persecuted by Saddam Hussein's regime.
Parts of the north, around Mosul, came under British rule at the end of the First World War and 1923 saw the first of many violent uprisings from a Kurdish people hungry for the chance to rule their own land.
After 20 more years of struggle, Mullah Mustafa Barzani emerged as the figurehead for Kurdish separatism. His son is still in charge of the dominant Kurdistan Democratic Party.
Barzani helped set up a Kurdish Republic in Iran in 1946 but it was crushed - this time by Iranian soldiers -forcing the KDP leader into exile.
When the monarchy in Iraq was overthrown in 1958, Barzani returned and there seemed to be genuine hope for the Kurds when a new Iraqi constitution officially recognised their national rights.
Just two years later his KDP was broken up by the Iraqi government after another uprising in the north.
Peace deal signed in 1970
A peace deal between the government of Iraq and the Kurdish rebels was eventually signed in 1970, granting recognition of their language and self-rule in the north.
But over the next few years the situation worsened with more clashes over who should control the oil-rich area around Kirkuk.
Barzani died in 1979 and the leadership of the re-founded KDP was passed to his son, Massoud Barzani.
But a new force had already emerged in Kurdish politics when Jalal Talabani left the KDP to found the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan.
These two men are still the dominant figures of Kurdish politics, each having a near-exact half share of popular support.
Kurds sided with Iran
During the Iran-Iraq War, which began in 1980, the situation for the Kurds in the north deteriorated dramatically.
The KDP had sided with the Iranians against Saddam Hussein and helped launch a counter attack from the north.
But, angered by the uprising, Saddam ordered his troops into the area around Barzani's home in 1983. About 8,000 people were killed.
During the war both the KDP and PUK received funding from Iran - which only served to make
Saddam even more determined to punish the Kurds.
In 1988 Saddam ordered a massive operation known as the "Anfal Campaign" against the Kurdish population.
Poison attack
Undoubtedly his most notorious act against the Kurds came on on March 16 when Sadam's cousin, Ali Hassan al-Majid, directed the poison gas attack on the town of Halabja.
Al-Majid - who led the brutal purges across the north, killing more than 100,000 people - was given the nickname "Chemical Ali" for masterminding the Halabja massacre.
The use of nerve agents on the mainly Kurdish town killed up to 5,000 civilians and injured another 10,000.
When the attack started some victims tried to protect themselves by taking cover in cellars and basements - but they did not know that the poisonous gas was heavier than air.
The legacy of that attack has been increased rates of cancer and other illness in the town and to fuel Kurdish hatred of Saddam's regime across the region.
Rebellion crushed in 1991
After the 1991 Gulf War the Kurds launched another massive uprising but the Allies who liberated Kuwait did not get involved.
The rebellion was crushed by Saddam's army, creating more than one million Kurdish refugees.
The Kurds' situation worsened when neighbouring Turkey closed its borders to refugees.
During the 1990s the PUK and KDP fought a bitter civil war for control of the Kurdish-dominated parts of northern Iraq, which had been designated a "safe haven" protected by US forces.
Talabani and Barzani agreed a peace in 1998 and on March 3 this year signed a joint leadership deal for the north of Iraq.
During the current Iraq war, Kurdish soldiers have been keen to work with US special forces on the northern front against Saddam's army.
But Kurdish separatists have been hoping the war will give them the chance to seize control of Kirkuk and make the city the capital of a new Kurdistan.
Both the coalition and Turkey are completely opposed to such a move. The much oppressed Kurds, however, may not abandon their hopes without a fight.




Traitors among the Kurds are helping ISIS
Traitors helping ISIS wipe out their own people: How ethnic Kurds are using their knowledge of Kobane to coordinate Islamists' city siege
  • Hundreds of Kurds are thought to have joined ISIS since fighting began
  • It is not known exactly how many are among 3,000 troops inside Kobane
  • One of Islamic State's top commanders is a Kurd - Abu Khattab al-Kurdi 
  • Kurds are translating radio messages and giving information on terrain  

  • Read more


    Images of the fight for Kobane


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